Bush’s Nazi-Iran Analogy

For those of you who have not yet seen it, M.J. Rosenberg’s column on Bush’s analogy between Nazi Germany and Iran and the contretemps between the Obama and McCain camps over Hamas is a must read, by far the best meditation on both issues, particularly on the implications for the American Jewish community, that has crossed my desk.

On Bush’s analogy, one issue that raises a lot of questions in my mind is who precisely was involved in getting that passage into the speech? The assumption so far has been that it must have been Bush’s political advisers who were eager to attack Obama and, as Rosenberg suggests, pander to “pro-Israel” donors. I have no reason to disbelieve that was a major — perhaps the decisive — consideration. But was this passage in fact vetted through the normal inter-agency process? Would Condoleezza Rice, who initiated talks with the Iranians last year and has never forsworn them, or Robert Gates, who said the U.S. has to figure out a way to engage the Iranians just the day before Bush’s speech to the Knesset, have cleared it? After all, there are very significant foreign-policy implications in that passage. Indeed, having made the comparison between Iran and Nazi Germany in 1939 and suggesting that those who favor talking with Tehran are practicing “appeasement,” Bush has really made it much more difficult for engagement to take place for the balance of his administration. The Europeans are talking to Tehran. How do they react to this kind of rhetoric? Have they been calling Condi for some explanation?

Moreover, what does this analogy do for Bush’s own Annapolis process (bad enough his speech’s failure to even mention the Palestinians except in the context of a possible Palestinian state 60 years from now — an omission that has no doubt made even more difficult Washington’s hopes for forging a de facto Sunni Arab-Israel-U.S. alliance against Iran) and for the very fragile political situation in Israel where the possibility of the government’s collapse looms quite large at the moment? Since Netanyahu’s Likud Party refused to back Ariel Sharon’s disengagement from Gaza, Bush has been a staunch supporter of Kadima, but this single passage raises serious questions about the administration’s position. After all, it has been Netanyahu (and Norman Podhoretz, whose son-in-law, of course, is deputy national security adviser Elliott Abrams) who can’t stop talking about how “The year is 1938, and Iran is Germany.” Now Bush not only affirms the Netanyahu’s analogy but goes him one better by suggesting we’re actually in 1939. Does this mean someone in the White House wants Netanyahu to become the next prime minister? If I were in Kadima or Labour, I’d be pretty upset by the president’s analogy.

And then there’s this follow-up line: “America stands with you in firmly opposing Iran’s nuclear weapons ambitions. Permitting the world’s leading sponsor of terror to possess the world’s deadliest weapons would be an unforgivable betrayal for future generations. For the sake of peace, the world must not allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon.” While Bush has long described the possibility of Iran’s obtaining a nuclear weapon as “unacceptable” and endlessly repeated that all options remain “on the table,” I don’t remember anything quite as strong as this, particularly given both the venue and the fact that he spoke from a prepared text. (If readers know of a similar or stronger formulations, please pass them along.) “[U]nforgivable betrayal for future generations” has a certain legacy ring to it, especially from a president who thinks he will only achieve vindication 50 years from now.

Those of you who have read my articles for IPS and/or this blog know that I have been more skeptical over the last couple of years (and particularly since last December’s NIE) than many of my colleagues about the possibility of an attack by the U.S. on Iran’s nuclear facilities — as opposed to an “accidental” war touched off by an incident at sea or a border clash of some kind — before Bush leaves office. That skepticism was based on what appeared, at least until recently, to be the decisive shift in the balance of power within the administration in favor of the “realists”, led by Gates and Rice, at the expense of the hawks, led by Cheney, as well as the fact that key hard-liners close to Cheney’s office — including even John Bolton and others at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Wall Street Journal’s editorial board, and the Weekly Standard — seemed resigned to the prospect that the Bush era would end with a whimper rather than the hoped-for bang. The fact that the kind of agit-prop that the administration and the neo-cons orchestrated in the run-up to the Iraq invasion has been almost entirely lacking over the past two years also made me doubtful, particularly of those persistent predictions over the same period that an attack was imminent.

But I’ve had to reassess recently, especially in the wake of Adm. Fallon’s resignation and the more-hawkish statements about Iran’s interference in Iraq coming out of the Pentagon, including from the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Adm. Michael Mullen, over the past two weeks. I still believe the Pentagon strongly opposes war, and Gates’ remarks to the American Academy of Diplomacy Wednesday make his position pretty clear. But I’m becoming less confident about his — and the other realists’ — ultimate influence on Bush, at least with respect to Iran (as opposed to North Korea). Adding to my concern was a report by a reliable source that a prominent neo-conservative close to Cheney’s office who several months ago believed there was virtually no possibility that Bush would order an attack on Iran before he left office has apparently changed his mind. This individual (whose name I can’t divulge at the source’s insistence) recently told my source that such an attack would take place between the November elections and Bush’s departure and that it would be “massive.” I subsequently heard from a knowledgeable Israeli source that he had recently heard the same scenario from two of his sources in Israel. In that connection, Todd Gitlin’s reflections on TPM Cafe about what he was hearing in Jerusalem this week seem clearly relevant. (Gitlin attended Shimon Peres’ Presidents Conference where, according to Laura Rozen’s excellent warandpiece.com, the Israeli host was seated in the front row between Bush and Freedom’s Watch funder and Netanyahu backer, casino multi-billionaire Sheldon Adelson. Her rendition of Nahum Barnea’s column for Yediot Aharanot on Adelson is another must read this week.)

This is not to say I am by any means convinced that the U.S. will attack Iran before Bush leaves office. As noted above, I still believe Gates and the Pentagon would strongly oppose such an attack, and even Rice would feel compelled to warn the president of the very, very serious diplomatic consequences, particularly for trans-Atlantic relations. And the intelligence community will clearly be prepared — if asked — to tell Bush that the chief beneficiary of such an attack, apart from Iranian hard-liners, would be Al Qaeda. And the Treasury and Energy secretaries might get a word in about the impact of an attack on the global economy and oil prices. But given the recent train of events, as well as the president’ rhetoric this week, (even it was aimed mostly at influencing the political campaign back home), I have to believe that an attack is more possible — albeit still not probable — than I had believed before.

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Jim Lobe

Jim Lobe served for some 30 years as the Washington DC bureau chief for Inter Press Service and is best known for his coverage of U.S. foreign policy and the influence of the neoconservative movement.

17 Comments

  1. I was under the impression that Bush’s speech was more to push the blame for failure to stop Iran’s inevitable nuclear capability on the next (democratic) president. Something along the lines of “if only they had continued our courageous policies, a nuclear Iran would never have happened. But instead they (Obama, peacniks, etc) chose appeasement.”

    That will be the right wing narrative, alongside the tried and true “stabbed in the back” routine about who lost Iraq.

  2. WWII is no doubt one of the greatest glories for the “American soul”, as the wish to relive this glory may be tempting. Is the hope that a rerun will bury Vietnam?

    “I spent decades weeping for the Holocaust but now I am afraid for what it has become.”

    What would the victims say given a chance to comment on this?

  3. Two States vs. Federal States of Israel and Palestine

    We have had 60 years of experimenting about the Israeli- Palestinian struggle. The region would need help before we will be dragged into a World War III.

    No one can reject the fact that creation of Israel on the land of Arabic nations has created tremendous political and economical problems for the United States. One solution would be for Israel joining us as a member of the Unites States’ Common Wealth.

    We are already supporting Israel economically, politically and by sharing intelligence and military hardware. In addition, some Israeli Americans with both Israeli and American citizenships serve in the Israeli Armed Forces.

    The Common Wealth should include all of the Palestinians.

    Would really two nation model for Palestinian and Israeli work in the future? Many experts on the Middle Eastern politics and people would suggest that a two state solution in not viable model. We have struggled with it for nearly 60 years.

    Should we be looking at the region as a Federal States with one government elected by all of the people? This model may have a much better chance of survival as a solution for both Israeli and Arabs.

    We have been forced into one box by the Israeli Lobby; we need to look outside of this box. We can’t fight wars after wars to support a non-working model of a two-state solution.

  4. If the decks are so stacked, I don’t think Pentagon/Military opposition would amount to much. And that may explain the undercutting of DoS diplomatic overtures. Should there be an incident (or appearance of an incident) inertia alone is likely to escalate rhetorical exchanges into a military confrontation, without the nuisance of diplomatic channels to have to contend with. Fallon had proposed a centcom-Iran hotline precisely to prevent such an eventuality. With him out of the way, and diplomacy undermined, the Cheney administration would make it all but impossible for the military to resist once it is made to appear a target of Iranian aggression. (Michael Gordon would rush an ‘officials say’ story, and NYT will duly splash it across its front page. When things go bad, which they no doubt will, the paper could always publish a mea culpa on page A10 along with contrite remarks from the paper’s ombudsman, i.e., until Gordon discovers new ‘officials’ who ‘say’ the true source of all the troubles was Pakistan after all).

  5. They say that generals are always fighting the last war. It seems that politicians are always fighting WWII, the Hollywood war, though European film makers can’t get enough of it too. WWII, the indispensable war, the war that everybody loves with the greatest villains, and John Wayne to the rescue, and of course every attempt at making peace is Chamberlain all over again. And of course the Holocaust, the incomparable Holocaust. A few years ago during the Bosnian conflict some big Jewish organization got some kind of legislation passed that asserted that the Holocaust was a unique and unparalled event in history. I guess they were worried that people were becoming too sympathetic to the suffering of the Bosnians. Because of the Holocaust Israel can target civilians in Lebanon and Palestine, and now even threaten to annihilate millions in Iran with America’s assistance of course. No crime is too great that the Holocaust cannot be its’ umbrella against world opinion. Hitler could have been victorious if only he had had the Holocaust behind him. I spent decades weeping for the Holocaust but now I am afraid for what it has become. It has become the justification for war, for perpetual war.

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