A Time to Deescalate with Iran

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by Michael Smith

The Trump administration’s continued inability to formulate a coherent national strategy on Iran undermines U.S. strategic interests and is rapidly growing from a national embarrassment to a dereliction of duty.

Many former senior diplomatic and military leaders called for this change months ago.  Blindly forging ahead with a “maximum pressure” strategy that lacks realistic goals is bringing the region to the brink of another needless Middle Eastern conflict. Increased pressure, bellicose statements, and diplomatic isolation have not changed Iranian behavior. Indeed, if the recent attacks on tankers in the Gulf of Oman are attributable to Tehran, then the current U.S. strategy has emboldened the very elements inside Iran that it intended to diminish.

A new U.S. strategy on Iran that includes broad diplomatic approaches must be developed immediately in order to drive Iran to negotiations that yield real change to their abhorrent behavior. Anything less drives us to war.

Damage to the Norwegian-owned Front Altair and Japanese-owned Kokuka Courageous tankers this month only heightened the tension between the United States and Iran. The episode comes about a month after four other oil tankers were struck by mines off the Emirati coast in what Washington described as an assault by Iran or Iranian proxies. And in a sign that more incidents in the Gulf could very well occur without notice, U.S. Central Command reported this week that Iran shot down a U.S. Navy drone as it was flying in international airspace over the Strait of Hormuz (Tehran claimed the drone breached Iranian airspace).

Although Tehran plausibly could have been involved in these incidents, the confusion in   the waters of the Gulf is an apt metaphor for the administration’s broader Iran policy. Simply put: the White House is lost—unable to articulate precisely what its maximum pressure policy against the Islamic Republic is supposed to achieve.

Before moving forward on a course of action, President Trump must forge bipartisan and international support for the assessments of the U.S. intelligence community. The United States can’t afford to repeat the malpractice leading up to the Iraq War or assume that their claims are going to be accepted as fact. Congress will insist on seeing as much of the classified intelligence as possible. And the administration has a duty to comply with those congressional demands.

An attack on civilian ships in international waters along a key trading route is an unacceptable act that requires a thorough and impartial intelligence assessment free of bias and assumption. Unfortunately, the administration enters the discussion with even some of America’s closest allies questioning Washington’s baseline conclusions.

Assuming that support for its position can be obtained, the administration must then present its assessments to key American allies that regularly receive the most sensitive intelligence information. The United States cannot afford to go it alone and pull another Colin Powell moment at the Security Council. Security in the Persian Gulf is ultimately an international responsibility that requires an international response. For Washington simply to take on the job itself will be far less effective than forging an international consensus.

Unlike so much of the advice percolating in the Beltway, the way forward on Iran should not be in the form of additional U.S. and foreign military deployments to the Persian Gulf. It should instead be centered on a highly coordinated and synchronized campaign to drive Iran to the negotiating table. Unfortunately, negotiations appear to be missing from the administration’s Iran strategy. Although President Trump’s public calls for talking with Tehran are notable, his day-to-day Iran policy depends exclusively on the stick at the expense of the carrot. An unending pile of economic sanctions and military pressure, minus any diplomatic off-ramp whatsoever, is a recipe for misunderstanding and mutual antagonism. The results of that recipe can be read in the latest headlines.

The White House believed that a relentless financial clampdown on the Iranian economy, including significantly downsizing its crude oil exports, would force the regime in Tehran to capitulate to American demands. That belief has been sorely mistaken. In fact, Tehran has reacted to Washington’s all-sticks, no-carrots strategy not by accommodating or surrendering, but by escalating. The United States must accept that its approach has failed and recognize that pushing Iran into a corner has led to more provocative Iranian behavior that could cause disruptions in world oil flows or, in a worst-case scenario, another major U.S. war in the Middle East .

A new approach toward Iran requires that U.S. and Iranian officials begin chipping away at the mutual distrust and animosity. A direct dialogue with Tehran may be politically unpopular and staunchly opposed by some on President Trump’s own national security team, but a dialogue is exactly what’s needed right now. The two countries can’t even begin to deescalate if communication is nonexistent.

Just as important as dialogue, however, is openness from the administration to dropping its maximalist demands and engaging in the hard-nosed, pragmatic compromise essential to defusing the current situation. Internationally supported negotiations toward a permanent change in Iranian behavior, not regime change or Iranian surrender, should be the end-states that guide U.S. policy from now on.

Iran is a destabilizing actor in the region. But fighting fire with fire in the Middle East just tends to make the flames more intense. The administration must stop expecting Iran’s capitulation, which is not going to happen regardless of how many bank accounts are frozen or how many aircraft carriers are sent to the Persian Gulf. The president must replace dogmatism with pragmatism and create the conditions that leave Iranian officials no choice but to come to the table and have a serious discussion.

The administration must clearly articulate a realistic strategy that accepts the challenges posed by Iran’s behavior but acknowledges diplomacy as the only option. Tehran will not change without extraordinary pressure from the entire international community and a diplomatic off-ramp that has a reasonable chance of success. The situation in the Persian Gulf is tense. If Washington doesn’t get smart, and fast, it will be downright dangerous.

Rear Admiral (ret) Michael Smith commanded an aircraft carrier strike group and previously served as the deputy task force commander for coalition maritime operations in the Northern Arabian Gulf. He is president at the American College of National Security Leaders.

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17 Comments

  1. It would have been if examples of abhorrent actions by Iran were cited. Perhaps some of those actions are self-defensive in the light of presence of enormous US military presence and overwhelming military supremacy of US allies over Iran and their aggressive posture. Iran’s offer of a non aggression pact to Gulf monarchies is a good starting point. A regional security pact can follow. There is no reason that us, the American taxpayers have to pay for US bases and the fifth fleet maintenance at the tune of 81 billion dollar a year. Take them out. We don’t have pirates in Persian Gulf to deter!

  2. Iran’s “abhorent behavior”? The abhorent behaviour is the USA’s and of its oil-rich and dumb puppets in the region. Iran has never invaded any country. It acts now as a shield against US and the Zionist hegemony that we have seen in full force on weaker countries, such as Palestine, Syria and Yemen causing death and destruction.
    Israel is only an agressive US colony threatening the region with its nuclear weapons. It is the only country in the middle east with nuclear weapons and it wants to stay the only one so it can dominate the region by fear.
    Iran and its regional allies won’t let the USA and its Zionist Jewish, Christians or Sunni allies dominate the region and they are right.
    It is not Iran that left the nuclear deal , it is the USA. It is the USA that are putting sanctions on Iran to ‘strangle’ its economy and reduce it to another of the USA’s regional poodles.
    Iran is in its right to fight back these relentless aggression and will succeed in giving another lesson to the arrogant USA.
    Yet, the USA had not learn from deadly fiascos to fiascos that it should stop meddling in other countries. It is blinded by its own arrogance and stupidity. It has become a wild and destructive machine that cannot be stopped, except by its self destruction.

  3. KHOSROW:

    No, you are wrong when you write: “Also, the US administrations having been detached from the ideals of the ordinary Americans and their cultural and economic needs,”

    Americans have deep psychological and emotional needs that is satisfied by their foreign policies. After all, the American government is freely elected and duly and legally seated. These policies have been in place for more than 40 years.

    Rafsanjani reached out to America, Clinton quashed it.

    Arbenz, Allende, Ho Chi Minh, Castro, Mossadeq they all wanted to work with America – Americans were not interested. They enjoyed fighting and domineering too much – or may be it was just Hubris.

    Neo-cons are just an excuse – just like the way Germans hide behind the SS to deny their own responsibility.

  4. There is only one side in the Persian Gulf that is destabilizing and that is the US and its allies. Iran is a stabilizing force. It is US who needs to bite the bullet and acknowledge its culpability, rejoin JCPOA and ask for talks with mutual respect and acknowledgment of Iran’s legitimate interest

  5. @ FYI

    One would need to write a PhD thesis to maintain that “Americans have deep psychological and emotional needs that is satisfied by their foreign policies”!

    Over 300 million people cannot be judged so harshly, this is a grave generalization. There are 1000s upon 1000s of Americans who defy the US foreign policies. There are so many American antiwar groups who condemn America’s racist imperialist foreign policies – take the editors of Lobelog for instance.

    Also, your next comment, that “… just like the way Germans hide behind the SS to deny their own responsibility” is absolutely incorrect! As studies have shown not every German was pro fascism.

    Please do some study more before making such harsh judgements. I regret to say I found your patronising comments deeply disturbing.

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